King Bhumibol Adulyadej has already spoken on the coup, at least according to Thailand’s state TV, as well as other leaders all over the world, but the progressive and leftist forces in Thailand, especially those that joined the broad anti-Thanksin movement called the People’s Alliance for Democracy, remain silent. While the public generally appears calm after the military successfully staged a coup on Tuesday night, the People’s Alliance for Democracy appears confused on what to do next.
The coup has put the Left in a bind. On one hand, the coup has initiated a political transition that the multisectoral movement has failed to achieve. The movement was able to mobilize thousands of people in the streets to demand for Thaksin’s ouster, which led to Thaksin’s tearful announcement of his resignation. Soon after, however, Thaksin re-emerged as the head of a caretaker government that appeared bent on staying on and surviving the political crisis, at least until the coup. That Thaksin didn’t see the coup coming is his own folly – he should have just resigned and allowed criminal charges against him to continue – but for now, Thaksin will be written in Thai history as one of the hallmarks of the failure of Thai democracy.
On the other hand, a power grab is a power grab – it is undemocratic and it threatens the entire fabric of democracy. The constitution may be flawed, but using coercion to usher political transition weakens constitutional democracy further. Even if a new constitutional order with stronger mechanisms for political accountability and transparency in governance is established after the coup, it will still be a weak one, with the military deemed as the ultimate arbiter of what should be eminently seen as political.
In the meantime, civil liberties are being repressed by the new military rulers, which has adopted the name “Administrative Reform Council.” There an existing curfew in Bangkok, Thai media is censored, and freedom of assembly is forbidden. Gen. Sonthi Boonyaratglin, the Commander-in-Chief of the Thai army, announced that he would “give way” to civilian authority in two weeks and appoint a new Prime Minister. He also guaranteed that democracy will be re-established in one year, once a new constitution is written. What the statement actually means is that the military will continue its hold on power, directly or indirectly.
Jon Ungphakorn, a highly respected activist and Senator in Thailand, said in an interview with the Inter Press Service Asia Pacific (as posted in PCIJ’s blog) that the next two weeks would be very crucial. “If we have a civilian interim prime minister who is a champion of democracy, if they restore freedom of speech and of the press, if elections are promised within six months, if an interim constitution is brought in immediately, with the all the rights of the previous constitutions, then we might be moving forward toward an era of poll and social reform,” Ungphakorn said.
The only person more powerful than Gen. Sonthi now is the King, a clear reflection of the sorry state of Thailand’s democracy. King Adulyadej may be popular and wise, but he won’t and can’t reign forever, and it would be useful for Thailand to learn some lessons from Nepal or Bhutan.
The coup emboldens authoritarian regimes in the region. Be it in Thailand or Indonesia, a coup in the region legitimizes the Burmese junta. Gen. Sonthi’s use of Thanksin’s “divisive” politics to rationalize the military take over mirrors the Malaysian regime’s application of authoritarian methods to “unite” a multiracial country.
The Philippine government, the Armed Forces of the Philippines, and President GMA’s allies were quick to dispel fears that a “copycat coup” would take place in Manila. Wonder of wonders, but a coup already took place last May, when the so-called civilian Commander-in-Chief moblized the Armed Forces of the Philippines to cheat for her. A formal martial law may not be in place, but the abuses and excesses of a martial law are already eating away the country’s democratic gains. Activists are being killed and threatened, media slays are unabated, and other political institutions that are supposed to check and balance the abuses of each other are subservient to the lies, whims, and caprices of the President and her men. Filipinos don’t need to see tanks in EDSA to believe that the military is in power in this country. Our only difference with the Thais is that we are in denial of this fact.
